“…The Indo Sri Lanka Agreement refuses to structure a federal constitution where power may be shared between the Tamil nation and the Sinhala nation. The Agreement does not even create a ‘Tamil Nadu like’ constitutional structure for the Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka. The Agreement seeks to ‘devolve’ power on nine provincial units, and thereby enable a Sinhala dominated Central government to control and regulate the exercise of such ‘devolved’ power. And the extent of the power so devolved on the provincial units does not go even as far as that which was provided in the Bandaranaike – Chelvanayagam Pact of 1957 – and excludes land alienation. In the critical area of finance, the Peace Agreement is content to let the provincial councils be dependent on the largesse of a Sinhala dominated Central Government. In truth that which the Peace Agreement contemplates is not even devolution of power but an administrative decentralisation which will in fact increase the power of the Centre to manage the provinces.” 

The national leader of Tamileelam Hon.Velupillai Pirabaharan declared on the 5th of August 1987 at the public meeting after his return from New Delhi in Jaffna fronting thousands of people:

“The Tamil struggle has reached a turning point today. This had been brought about by factors beyond the LTTE’s control. The Government of India had told me that whether the LTTE accepted the accord or not, it would certainly implement the accord. I am not surprised at the standpoint of the Government of India, for this accord dealt with Indo-Sri Lankan relations. The Agreement is intended to protect India’s interests in the region…” 

The struggle isn’t limited to people securing food, clothing, shelter and their materials for existence. Because those reasons alone would deny Tamileelam’s rich cultural heritage. Tamileelam is all there and much more. It is all these together as an integrated whole, an integrated whole which is greater than the sum of its constituent parts and an integrated whole which has taken shape through the processes of opposition and differentiation.  

It was continued Sinhala discrimination during several decades which led to the formation of Tamileelam as a whole. This paved the path to become separate. 

 
When you begin to understand all this, that is when you will also understand the sacrifices and the suffering undergone by the Tamil people and the liberation movement in the name of the Tamil nation, understand the martyrdom of Thileepan who fasted for more than ten days without food or water, a martyr who gave his life to the Tamil nation. You will also understand response from thousands of Tamils and understand the increasing sentiment of togetherness of the Tamil people.

When you understand all this, that is when you will also understand the growing political force of Tamileelam and its power to influence and mobilise in the thousands. 

The core failure of the Indo Sri Lankan Peace Agreement was its refusal to recognise the political reality of the Eelam Tamil nation. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi should have lent his powerful support to secure constitutional frames which recognised the existence of the Eelam Tamil nation rather than to a Peace Agreement which sought to deny its political force.

Tamileelam cannot be snuffed out. It can be reasoned with. To reason with Tamileelam you must first recognise it. To recognise it you must first understand it. Tamileelam is not a mere intellectual concept. It would be lifeless if it were. Neither is it the expression of emotion alone. It would not be sustained for long if that were true. 

“..the Indian Army came here, massacred innocent Tamil civilians, raped our women and plundered our valuables. The acronym IPKF will always stand for Indian People Killing Force where we are concerned. We will one day erect a memorial in the heart of Yaalppanam town, in the centre of Hospital Road, in memory of all the innocent civilians ranging in age from the very old past 80 to young children massacred by the IPKF and to the women who were raped.”